HM: Supply Chain and Outsourcing

HM: Supply Chain and Outsourcing A multinational corporation is a term referring to an organization that conducts business operations out of countries other than the home nation. As economic globalization becomes an increasing movement in modern society, it is not abnormal to see a greater frequency of these types of corporations conducting their business with a variety of countries. More specifically, over time, nations of the Global South have experienced a dramatic increase in corporate appeal from the garment producing industry. It is no surprise then, that with cheap labor, access to raw materials and a promise of rapid development, countries in this region have seen a rise in the demand of foreign establishments vying to carry out production here. As a Hennes and Mauritz (HM) employee of three years, I have come to be familiar with their foreign affairs in the Global South, particularly in Bangladesh. Bangladesh is the main region in which HM outsources the production of their merchandise before shipping the majority of these goods to the Western world. It is not uncommon for the company to take many opportunities each year to educate and update their employees of their interactions with Bangladesh. Being presented with one-sided information concerning these interactions, I was made to believe that HMs presence in this country is beneficial for the development of the nation on a global scale. Such things as training programs in the operation of sewing machines with the guarantee of employment at HM are features I understood to be aiding the country in economic sustainability. However, after study on the topic of the effects of globalization and multinational corporations in developing countries, I recognize that there are argu ments claiming global outsourcing in the Global South is a barrier to the possibility of progress in these nations. Through critical analysis of arguments supporting and against HM in Bangladesh, it is evident that the existence of this company in a developing nation does affect the growth of the country. Despite the fact that HM may abide by the labor and environmental policies of Bangladesh, their presence in the country as a foreign transnational corporation hinders the likelihood of economic or political growth and negatively impacts the nations steps towards development. Founded in 1947, Hennes and Mauritz (HM), is a clothing company that originated in Sweden. Today HM operates out of 38 countries, backed with 87,000 employees (HM 2011: ). Alongside having stores across the globe, HM has special relationships with certain countries in which it outsources the majority of its merchandise. One of the essential countries in which HM relies on for the outsourcing of their merchandise is Bangladesh. Bangladesh, considered being one of the Least Developed countries (LDC), has been tremendously influenced by globalization, particularly the restrictions in the apparel industry over the last decades (Uddin 2006: 7). Bangladesh achieved freedom as an independent country in 1971, and after undergoing trade liberalizations in the 1990s, Bangladesh made the switch from an agriculturally dominant economy to that of a market led one (Uddin 2006: 7). When multinational corporations such as HM learn that a country is newly liberalized, it is common for them to step in and offer the country their business, along with reasons why their business will guarantee this country fast development. For Bangladesh, the quotas acted as a guarantee for certain quantities of export sales, helping to establish market presence (Uddin 2006: 7). The concern attached to these types of export sales for Bangladesh, is that the business HM is outsourcing is the most basic among all the aspects that make up this company. HM sources their manual labor to Bangladesh so as to keep new business issues in the mother country. By sourcing non-core business activities a company can focus on its core business in a better way (Alim 2010: 30). By HM outsourcing its production tasks to Bangladesh, Sweden is sending its no-brainer business to a developing country. The business sector in Bangladesh is less likely to achieve development through HMs outsourcing habits because these second hand projects focus on manual labor. Being that the majority of its market based economy deals with manual labor, Bangladesh is deprived of working with new technology which is the norm for capitalist countries. Therefore development in Bangladesh cannot be attained, as the nature of the work force is not advancing. The emergence of American, European, Japanese and Third World multinationals has created a new competitive environment, requiring the globalization or at least semi-globalization of corporate strategy (Alim 2010: 24). HM is among the worlds leading multinational garment retailers, they promise their customers fashion and quality at the best price (HM 2011: ). In order to remain in a position of competitive advantage, some would say corporations of this nature have to maintain a certain reputation concerning all the aspects of business they conduct. In modern society, methods of sustainable production are being favored as the general public is aware of certain on goings in the production of goods such as child labor, and the exploitation of human rights and environmental laws. Companies of this nature than need to take certain precautions to ensure that their business is being conducted in a manner that follows regulations of the outsourcing country, and in a manner that will result i n a satisfied consumer. It is fair to say that the consumer has a significant influence on the way HM conducts their business. Now that awareness regarding the environment is important on a global scale, many consumers first verify that a sustainable company is manufacturing the merchandise they are purchasing. For example, HM has taken initiative in ensuring that the cotton they use in their products is increasingly organic à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦cotton is the raw material we use the most. Although we do not source any raw materials, directly, we are committed to actively contributing to reduce their impacts (HM 2009: 33). This is extremely popular for HM, who stresses the importance of their products being made in an eco friendly environment. Often times, transnational corporations view outsourcing as a win-win situation (in terms of maintaining a good reputation among customers) as they take their production over seas to developing countries that offer cheap production costs, alongside lenient labor and environm ental laws. A unique fact when analyzing the outsourcing habits of HM in Bangladesh is that they do not own any of the factories in which production of HM merchandise takes place. Instead, roughly 700 independent suppliers deliver their products (Alim 2010: 62). This allows HM to maintain a clean reputation amongst other multinational corporations to its customers in terms of abiding by environmental policies and human rights laws. Due to their large purchasing volumes: HM is the second largest buyer in Bangladesh as a single buyer (Alim 2010: 65), HM plays a large role in the economy of Bangladesh. Seeing as the business they bring to the country is mainly exporting primary material, the country needs to produce these goods in volume for cheap. This can lead to neglect of human rights, The claims surfaced as in Bangladesh, violent protests by tens of thousands of garment workers demanding higher pay forced the closure on Tuesday of 700 factories that supply the top names in Western retail, incl uding HM (Fashion Giant HM evades Taxes in Bangladesh: ). Being that HM does not own the factories in which this neglect takes place, they often claim to encourage management of factories to abide by human rights laws. Although, it is hard for one to tell for certain if this is the case. In an industry where the demand for these products continues to rise, it is very difficult for Bangladesh to break a cycle of human rights abuse in order to meet a quota. A history of exploitation of human rights due to the demand by foreign corporate parts in the country is a factor contributing to the lack of development or potential for development in Bangladesh. There are 2 million individuals that make up the workforce of the garment industry of Bangladesh; of this figure, 70% are women (Wulff 2008: 1). HM takes time to inform their employees of employment opportunities they provide for those in developing countries. They are particularly proud of the work-training program implemented for those who show interest in making clothes in Bangladesh. HM trains prospective factory employees in operating sewing machines with the promise of guaranteed work after successful completion of the program. Though there are obvious benefits to the idea of providing jobs for people of Bangladesh (especially women), the work-training program HM has put into practice has long-term negative effects on the development of the country. An evident gain of the program being that women are provided an opportunity to work and help support their families, has the negative side effect of women continuing to be perceived as a domestic figure sewing clothes while men man age the factories. Aside from a gender bias that will be hard to break as the popularity of this program grows, there is also the issue of young adults not continuing in a higher education. A direct correlation can be seen with respect to the number of people working in a factory, and the number of people in that factory who have received a higher degree of education. Of the amount of individuals producing clothes in a given factory in Bangladesh, the majority has achieved no more than a high school diploma (Uddin 2006: 72). With less of the population attaining a hire education, difficulty in developing an interdependent economy arises due to the dependence on entry-level positions created by HMs work-training program. One of the reasons why outsourcing in Bangladesh is extremely popular for HM, a company that stresses the importance of their clothes being made in an eco friendly environment, is a result of the leniency of labor and environmental laws. Important for consumers to be reminded, is that policies protecting the environment in the Western world are generally much more strict than those protecting the environment in the Global South. Multinational corporations are often the reason why environmental laws in developing countries are so lenient. Governments and authorities in these countries generally feel pressured to comply with the influences of the business needs of transnational corporations. According to the BGMEA (Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association) officials, the social responsibility initiatives of BGMEA directly responded to the concerns of multinational buying companies the group they believed constituted the most powerful stakeholder group. The BGMEA exec utives made specific reference to the expectations of, and pressures exerted by, buying companies such as Nike and HMà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (Azizul 2009: 108). These pressures felt display a direct relationship with the development of a country. When the government which is supposedly the highest authority in a given region, is pressured to act a certain way by a foreign investor, the country ceases to develop in an independent manner, as there is a dependence on the business this investor provides. The extent of Bangladeshs dependence on multinational clothing companies such as HM is seen in the fact that around 4,500 garment factories accounted for roughly 80% of the countrys 16-billion-dollar export income in 2009 (Anger after deadly HM factory fire: ). In the process of outsourcing the production of their merchandise, HM often demands the usage of raw materials that need to be sourced from various countries. It is interesting though, that they leave the chore of purchasing these materials to the production factories in Bangladesh. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦most of the time, suppliers import the raw materials from abroad due to unavailability in the local market. In some cases, HM nominates the raw materials supplier. In that situation, suppliers purchase the raw materials from those nominated sources, whether they are local or foreign (Alim 2010: 72-73). HMs Sustainability Report from 2009 states that transporting raw materials from a country outside Bangladesh can take up to 44 days to arrive, causing potential delays in the production of merchandise (Alim 2010: 73). Importing materials from nations outside of Bangladesh for the production of goods presents a conflict in terms of development. Firstly being that Bangladesh produces merchandi se under the condition of cheap labor, expenses of importing materials from other countries can damage their overall profit rate. More importantly however, is that by sourcing raw materials from places outside of Bangladesh, domestic businesses suffer when trying to compete against more powerful foreign corporations. Through this cycle, foreign transnational corporations shape the economy of Bangladesh. Through investigation on the subject of the impact of globalization and the presence of transnational corporations in the Global South, strong arguments declare that global outsourcing in these regions is a barrier to the possibility of development. As an employee of a multinational corporation, I have considered its relationship to Bangladesh through two perspectives. Firstly, the relationship presented to me through HMs viewpoint; being that their presence in Bangladesh allows for them to outsource quality merchandise for cheap labor costs while increasing capital of the export sector and creating jobs. As well I have analyzed a more negative stance on the issue of HM in Bangladesh. This being that HM is hindering the possibility for development in Bangladesh through creating dependence and pressuring the government. Both perspectives have in common the argument that HM in Bangladesh acts as a major influence on the development of the country. Although HM follows the labor and envi ronmental policies in Bangladesh, the companys existence in the country is enough to decrease the likelihood of both economic and political growth while negatively affecting the nations ability to develop.

Res Sisters Essay

* Zain Mehdi Prof: Mary Nordick English – 110. 07 Thursday, March 7th What have you learned about life on the reservation from Highway’s play? Has the play changed any of your opinions or perceptions? The play The Rez Sisters was written by Tomson Highway, a Cree from the Brochet reserve in north-western Manitoba, at the end of the twentieth century. Through a group of seven native women, Tomson Highway’s The Rez Sisters reveals the lives of aboriginal people and their community on an Indian Reservation. The play shows the harsh realities of Indian reservations of joblessness, prejudice and alcoholism.The old Aboriginal rituals have slowly been forgotten and replaced by the cliches of consumerism. While the people of the community don’t lack the attitude of get–up-and-go, they really have no place to go to. The inhabitants of the Wasy Rez are part of a community that is falling apart. Most of the people are stuck on the welfare, and just getting by on the dirt roads of the Rez. Moreover, they don’t have any control over their lives. Throughout the play, the main characters state, â€Å"Everyone here’s crazy† (Highway, 518). Since there is no work on the Rez, it makes most of the people on welfare go crazy.Some of the men have to go hundred miles to find work while the young boys have to go all the way to Toronto because it is â€Å"the only place educated Indian boys can find decent jobs these days† (Highway, 518). There is constant drinking, fighting and adultery. There is â€Å"nothing to do but drink and screw each other’s wives and husbands†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Highway, 518). Infidelity is so common on the Rez that some of the families have â€Å"†¦fourteen of them (children)†¦Imagine†¦and all from one father† (Highway, 522). * * After reading The Rez Sisters, I was a little surprised by the life on a reserve.I was raised in Toronto, where I did not personally know any Na tive Americans and everything I knew about them was from the books. In the books it describes the Native Americans as being very religious, so when I heard about a big Pow Wow (a native gathering) and I decided to go. I learned a little about the traditional beliefs so when I moved from Toronto to Saskatoon, and it was a complete shock. You see a lot of Native Americans but you rarely see ones who actually follow the traditional beliefs. Most of them have cut their long hair, or never even grew it out.The Rez Sisters focuses on such undervalued lives and brings them up to size. * * Highway’s play is trying to deliver a social massage that if the Native Americans had enough job opportunities and freedom to live wherever they wanted, they would succeed in rebuilding their falling community. I agree with that one hundred percent because they are put down so much, that they have decided to stay in that one spot and not bother trying to work up to something much better. In The Rez sisters Philomena says that: â€Å"the place gets in your blood, you can’t get rid of it and it can’t get rid of you† (Highway, 517).I was really impressed by this statement because it shows that they really do honor their heritage a lot, but it’s difficult for them to leave the only thing they have always known. * * The story of The Rez Sisters dictates the life is tough, but poses the question: What else they are going to do? Well they can always go play bingo. Which is humorous because Highway uses bingo as a form of escape from the life on a reserve. I gained more respect for Native Americans because I never really had an idea of the life on reserves. I figured the people on the reserve followed the traditional beliefs and kept to themselves.I realized they don’t get much help from the government and are left on their own to manage, and with the people not having enough jobs, all they have left to do is kill time, and that is where the alcohol and adultery comes in. * * * * * * * * | Works Cited | * â€Å"Pride and Prejudice (1813 Novel):A  Why Was Caroline Bingley so Desperate for Social Advancement and Wealth? † Quora. N. p. , n. d. Web. < http://www. quora. com/Pride-and-Prejudice-1813-novel/Why-was-Caroline-Bingley-so-desperate-for-social-advancement-and-wealth/answer/Ashley-Knight-1> â€Å"Pride and Prejudice by Jane Austen. Pride and Prejudice. N. p. , n. d. Web. â€Å"Pride and Prejudice. † Google Books. N. p. , n. d. Web. http://books. google. ca/books? id=s1gVAAAAYAAJ â€Å"Pride and Prejudice. † SparkNotes. SparkNotes, n. d. Web. http://www. sparknotes. com/lit/pride/themes. html â€Å"Pride and Prejudice Study Guide & Essays. † Pride and Prejudice Study Guide & Literature Essays. N. p. , n. d. Web. < http://www. gradesaver. com/pride-and-prejudice/> * â€Å"Styles and Themes of Jane Austen. † Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation *

Post-Soviet Demographic Paradoxes: Ethnic Differences in Marriage and Fertility in Kazakhstan Essay

The goal of this research is to analyze the minority group status hypothesis regarding specific stages of the family-building process for different kind of countries, but they had stopped on the Middle East and Central Asia. These countries has been considered by Agadjanian in 1999 years, Gore & Carlson in 2008. The hypothesis posits an interaction effect between ethnicity on the one hand and education or other measures of socioeconomic status on the other hand. And also they respect to the timing and intensity of each stage of the reproductive cycle – first marriage, first birth interval, second birth interval and so on and ultimately completed family size. This interaction between ethnicity and education can appear in one or both of two partial forms. First, disadvantaged minority groups within a society may exhibit earlier marriage, shorter birth intervals, and subsequent higher levels of fertility than the majority population. This higher fertility at the â€Å"bottom† of the society has been interpreted variously as the result of blocked alternate opportunities, or as persistence of a separate minority group subculture emphasizing pronatalist norms. Second, elites among such minority groups may exhibit later marriage, longer birth intervals, and subsequently lower levels of fertility than the majority population. This has been interpreted as status anxiety of these minority elites in the face of potential discrimination from the majority. The minority group status hypothesis was first developed with respect to race/ethnic identity within the United States but has subsequently been applied to a wide range of ethnic minorities within national populations in many parts of the world. With respect to Central Asia, Agadjanian has explored this hypothesis in Kazakhstan and concluded that patterns of childbearing there do not fit the hypothesis well. On the other hand, Gore and Carlson have recently demonstrated that the hypothesis describes marriage patterns of ethnic Kurds compared to the majority population in nearby Turkey extremely well, with both forms of the effect clearly identifiable. This paper uses evidence from the 1995 and 1999 Kazakh Demographic and Health Surveys to examine the timing of marriage for two distinctive groups within the population of Kazakhstan. We follow Agadjanian in combining ethnic Russians with other European groups and comparing them to the ethnic Kazakh population in the country, and also in excluding small ethnic splinter groups from other Central Asian countries (Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, etc) from the analysis[1]. We concentrate on marriage timing in order to most closely replicate the work of Gore and Carlson for Turkey, and also because Agadjanian has demonstrated that virtually all births in Kazakhstan for these samples of women occurred within and shortly after marriage. Since marriage thus constitutes a reliable marker for the timing of the first step along the path of reproduction, it makes sense to begin analysis at that point. Agadjanian (1999) has treated this issue of marriage timing in Kazakhstan in a previous article, but that analysis completed some years ago did not involve event history analysis, and also did not specifically examine the hypothesized interaction effect between education and ethnicity[2]. Kazakhstan uniquely raises an unusual theoretical issue about the minority group status hypothesis, because it is not immediately obvious which of the ethnic populations in the country should be regarded as the â€Å"disadvantaged minority† in terms of expected consequences for timing of reproductive behavior. Some evidence shows that the ethnic Russian and more generally, the European segment of the population historically appropriated a disproportionate share of the higher-status occupations after immigrating into Kazakhstan in response to Russian/Soviet resettlement initiatives. However, other research has demonstrated a concentration of ethnic Kazakhs in higher education and some other fields. Similarly, the numerical balance of these groups in the population has shifted in recent decades, and has always been near parity in terms of dominance by sheer numbers. For these reasons we do not assume at the outset which group should be regarded as the â€Å"minority† group for evaluating the hypothesis, but rather examine the empirical results for clues on this question. Agadjanian has proposed and utilized in several studies a useful division of the ethnic Kazakh population into two groups described as more or less â€Å"russified† based on selection of interview language by these respondents at the time of each survey those who chose to be interviewed in Russian are compared to those who chose the Kazakh language for the survey interviews. 3] These groups allow further tests of the minority group status hypothesis, specifically for the most disadvantaged members of the population, in terms of evaluating the alternative hypotheses of blocked opportunities versus persistence of prontalist subcultures as explanations for higher fertility. Although the correspondence between ethnic and religious self-identification is extremely strong in these surveys nearly all Russians identify themselves as Orthodox and nearly all Kazakhs identify themselves as Moslem, regardless of language or other differences the correspondence is not perfect and we also examine religious identity as an alternative way of operationalizing ethnicity in examining the minority group status hypothesis. And at the end of my critical essay I would like to tell some interesting facts that happened in my country. The Kazakhs attach great significance to the birth and raising of children. A Kazakh family is not considered happy without children, especially sons—the continuers of the clan. There are many customs and ceremonies associated with birth and raising of children. These customs arose from centuries of experiences and from the Kazakh worldview. Thus, they protected a pregnant woman from the evil eye with the aid of amulets and did not allow her to leave the house alone at night; weapons, wolves’ teeth, eagles’ bills, and owl talons were forbidden wherever she lived. All this was necessary to protect her from impure forces. The pregnant woman herself had to observe a multitude of taboos. In order not to tangle the child’s umbilical cord, for example, she could not step over the staff for raising the dome of the yurt (bakan) , the device for catching horses (kuruk), rope (arkan) , and many other items. She was also forbidden to eat camel meat because it was thought that, were she to do so, she would carry her child for twelve months, like a she-camel. Kazakhs protect pregnant women from heavy labor, especially in the later months. Kazakhs carefully guard the woman and child during the actual birth and the first forty days thereafter, which are regarded as especially dangerous for the baby. Various rituals are followed—placing the child in the cradle on the seventh day, for example: the fortieth day after birth is seen as especially festive because the danger is deemed to have passed. Only women gather at this celebration. Kazakhs accustom children to work from an early age. They teach a boy to ride a horse at age 3 and to tend it and other livestock at age 5 or 6. The shaving ceremony, strongly upheld in modern times, is conducted when a boy has reached age 3 to 10. Girls are taught to sew, embroider, and carry out other household activities. In the past, Kazakhs believed that at age 13 to 15 they were ready for independent life and could have their own family; at present girls marry at age 16 to 18. The brief ceremony at the registration office is called a AHAZH. The AHAZH also features a procession of cars decorated in ribbons, which stops to take pictures along the way. In the city of Turkistan in southern Kazakhstan, the photos must include one of the couple at the Yasawi Shrine. For many progressive families the AHAZH has almost replaced both the Neke Qiyu and the betashar. The religious part of the Kazakh wedding ceremony is called Neke Qiyu. The wedding process may take many weeks and even months to complete. This is because a Kazakh marriage, like marriages in most Muslim societies, involves a contract between families which requires negotiation. The Neke Qiyu is a small portion of the whole, and usually takes about a half an hour to complete. The Neke Qiyu usually takes place on the evening of the day the bride is revealed to her groom’s family. This festive ceremony is calledbetashar or â€Å"revealing of the face. After she shows respect to her groom’s family, the veil is lifted and the bride receives a kiss from her mother-in-law[4]. The mother-in-law then puts a white scarf on her head to symbolize her marital status and then welcomes her into the groom’s family. After several hours a feasting, a mullah arrives. A mullah is a teacher of Islam who knows how to recite the Quran[5]. He performs the Neke Qiyu. Even though the betashar is performed outside in the garden in the presence of many relatives and friends, the Neke Qiyu is performed inside with close relatives only. The mullah and the couple sit facing one another. He briefly recites some verses from the Quran and asks the couple to confess the faith of Islam. When this ceremony is done, the couple must go and register their marriage at the state registry office, a practice introduced in the Soviet period. Among nomadic Kazakhs the small, individual family predominated, consisting, as a rule, of a married couple, their unmarried children, and elderly parents. In accordance with custom, the oldest son was able to marry first, followed by the other sons in descending order of age. The father allotted livestock to the married son and in this way created a new household. According to the ancient customs of the minorat, the youngest son was not allotted a household, even after marriage. He remained the heir to the ancestral hearth. Among the seminomadic and settled Kazakhs, there were extended families in which several closely related families lived in one household. Usually this was the family of the head of the household, as well as his married sons, and, after his death, the families of his married brothers. As a rule, however, after the death of the household master, the married brothers parted company. The daughters went to live with the families of their husbands after marriage. Elements of patriarchal relations were preserved in certain ways, however. Married sons, even when they had their own individual households, did not break ties with the paternal household completely. Many labor-intensive tasks, such as pasturing of livestock, shearing of sheep, preparation of felt, and so on, were accomplished through the efforts of several households with close relations along paternal lines. This was especially important in defending livestock and pastures from the encroachment of others. Such a unification of families, the basis of kinship ties, is called in the literature a â€Å"family-kin† group. In Kazakh, these groupings are called bir ata baralary (children of one father). If a family-kin group was called Koshenbaralary, for example, then their ancestor was called Koshen, and the families of this group had heads who were grandsons and great-grandsons of Koshen. Among the Kazakhs, such family-kin groups formed communities. The heads of families were considered close relatives up to the fourth or fifth generation.

Suicide Is A Serious Topic - 1540 Words

People tend to have completely different points of views on suicide. What s yours? Do you think it is wrong? Do you think it is right? Do you think it is stupid? Do you think it is no good for you or anyone around you? Well, put your answers aside for a second because this paper is going to get deep and pretty personal. So you might get as well get comfortable, especially if this is a topic that hits home to you. I think that suicide is a very serious topic in the society today. In my eyes, suicide is the way you try to come out of how you feel, the way some people release their feelings, the way people try to feel better, but mainly its the way people try to end it all. As a student who has had very many situations involving suicide, either with my personal life or with my friends lives, suicide is always brought up. 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